Read PDF King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Studies in Renaissance Literature)

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Studies in Renaissance Literature) file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Studies in Renaissance Literature) book. Happy reading King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Studies in Renaissance Literature) Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Studies in Renaissance Literature) at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Studies in Renaissance Literature) Pocket Guide.

Such a strategy was especially common with biblical paraphrases in the period. In either case James is being encouraged to function primarily as a patron. IV William Leighton was another among those minor courtiers who perceived in the coming of James to the throne an opportunity to better their own positions.

Leighton served Queen Elizabeth in some capacity, or at least so he claimed. His work of , Vertue Triumphant, describes him as a gentlemanpensioner, but as this work was published in July of that year it is quite possible that Leighton achieved that position under James.

Recent Studies in the English Renaissance

The patron, in this case the king, will receive something in the exchange: namely, the fruit that is the poem. Unlike some poems written by clients to their patrons, its primary function is not to immortalize the patron directly, but to celebrate and encourage the cultivations of those virtues which the king embodies.

Vertue Triumphant concerns the four cardinal classical virtues, and if it is of any present value to the king, it is as an image of those virtues which lead to a happy kingdom when practised by the king. The work was entered in the Stationers' Register on 4 July. See Peck, Court Patronage and Corruption, p. However, if the cycle is broken by lack of favour, the poetry of praise may very well be replaced by that of complaint. V Previous to James' accession to the throne, John Davies of Hereford seems to have been favoured by the Herberts and Robert Sidney; he possibly worked in the Sidney family as a scribe or writing instructor.

James' day. Both the commendatory poems, and Davies' own dedication and preface, increased hopes for favour and support of such work. Wriothesley is addressed as earl of Southampton, a title which he received on 21 July, but Lord Mountjoy is not addressed with the title of earl of Devonshire, which he gained on 27 July. Davies presents James' accession as a sort of judgement day for English poets: only the righteous ones will be allowed into his kingdom, where they will continue to write virtuous poetry.

And who hath held their Pens from blott of blame And ever kept their Muse immaculate, Their conscience now takes comfort in the same, As if some God were come, that Vice doth hate With Grace their virtue to remunerate: As when the Kinge of Kings shall come at last To give all Men their meede, in righteous rate, The good alone rejoyce in their lives past: So perfect Poets now must comfort tast. Some of these poets also appear in Academiae Oxoniensis. Complete Works, vol. While it is possible that the rest of Microcosmos could have been written before , this passage clearly refers to the new reign.

In Davies' view, to desire the favour of the king can be no more wrong than to desire the favour of God. In a poem appended to Microcosmos, Nicholas Deeble says that Davies challenged other poets to write similar works to appeal to the king, but they failed to take up his challenge: for when T'approve his Excellence he challeng'd All Or English bred, or forraine Nationall To strive for glorie, and a golden Price Which one or both might every sort entise Unanswer'd, hee Monarchiz'd alone.

Later works of Davies were not directed to James, but he continued with dedications to such notable courtiers as the earl of Montgomery and Sir James Hay. The outpouring of verse following James' accession was temporarily held back by the plague that struck London in the summer of Such writing of poetry within the framework of contest or competition judged by a king needs further attention. James had promoted something of this sort in his Scottish court during the s. Microcosmos was printed at Oxford.

He felt it was essential to show to James that he was willing to serve the new king with his poetry. As with Davies' Microcosmos, it is quite possible that Sylvester presented his manuscript to James at the time of his coronation in late July. He exhorts the king to be merciful and just, but severe with those who plot against him. The king should keep the nobility divided to restrict their power. In some instances the religious nature of Davies' poem and his political concerns come together. This passage relies upon the common association of James with King Solomon who, because he was a king of peace, was allowed by God to build the Temple.

David, his father, had been forbidden to do so because of the blood he had spilt. Snyder, vol. Snyder suggests that the delay of Sylvester's Les Sepmaines after the plague had abated may have been due to the death of the printer Peter Short who held the copyright on the work, and questions as to inheritance vol. Harington had a well-established place in both the literary and court world of the early s. His well-known translation of Ariosto's Orlando Furioso had been commissioned by his godmother Queen Elizabeth.

His Epigrams, not yet published but widely circulated in manuscript, had gained him a reputation as a court wit, a reputation furthered by his partly satiric The Metamorphosis of Ajax An engraving of the lantern is found in a manuscript of his epigrams held at the Folger Library MS V. Park London, , p. After these problems were cleared up, Harington began writing works with an eye toward gaining a position, either as an instructor to the young Prince Henry or as chancellor of Ireland. Of these, only the last was published.

We cannot be certain when he began work on these; however, that he presented his sister, Lucy, countess of Bedford, with a copy of three of Sidney's Psalms, numbers 51, , and , in would suggest that he had not yet composed his own. And whereas I fynde Master Aton your Majesties servant very judicious in this kynde and by whose advyce I must ingenuously acknowledge I have receaved some furtherance in this worck, yt may please your Majestie to joyne him also as well as for the review of the same as for the ordring of the convenyent publishing of yt to your Majesties best lykinge.

The letter accompanying them is reprinted in John Harington, Letters and Epigrams, ed. Letters and Epigrams, ed. McClure, pp. Only with religious verse could the twin goals of pleasing God, the heavenly patron, and James, his earthly counterpart, so conveniently coincide. I would it were so in punishment.

If I were to speake before my sovereigne King and maister, I would praise God for him, not praise him to himself. Letter 61, Letters and Epigrams, pp. Letters and Epigrams, pp. Such a mingling of language was more common at the English court than it had been at the Scottish. Philip Wynter Oxford, , vol. However, within this same passage, Davies suggests that poets also have extrahuman powers: 79 80 81 82 Microcosmos, p. James'', Works in Verse and Prose, ed.

Grosart, 2 vols London, , p. James is not explicitly named here, but as he is the dedicatee of the poem, surely the passage points to him. Davies is either exhibiting an honest naivety about the decorum of praise, or intentionally subverting his own praise of the king out of distaste for the usual role of the court poet. VIII Clearly, James' accession led English poets to believe that religious and philosophical verse would hold an important place in the cultural life of his reign.

Generally, these poets received less help than they had hoped for, but that seems to have been true of poets at all times. On the one hand, John Bridges enjoyed continued clerical preferment, Joshua Sylvester received a pension 83 84 Complete Works, vol. This was more substantial royal favour than most poets of the period ever experienced.

Malcolm Smuts has suggested that James failed to shape culture as was often done by continental monarchs. Theologi regnant: Legulei rem faciunt: unus ferme Casaubonus habet fortunam satis faventem, sed, ut ipse judicat, minus certam. Ne huic quidem locus in Anglica fuisset ut literatori; induere Theologum debuit.

By far the majority of works heralding the new reign were panegyric, with any instruction to the king disguised as praise; however, a few writers did adopt the more radical position of prophet. James' English subjects recognized that while their new monarch had a high view of his own authority, he also saw a role for Protestant prophetic utterances and interpretation of biblical books.

As late as he was still debating with the French Calvinist theologian Pierre du Moulin the details of prophetic interpretations of Revelation, and du Moulin was citing James as an authority on the matter. Further complicating matters was the question of whether prophetic utterance would take its seat in the royal court or in the gathered community of the godly, a body ultimately threatening to the court and king.

Instead, their prophetic gifts were used to show the future glory of the king. In spite of the anti-monarchial passages in the Old Testament prophets, kingship in Christendom developed in such a way that monarchy and the church were closely related, especially in the state-churches of the Reformation. Maries in Oxford Workes, p. This last maintained the strong language against the pope, even though by that time James was moving away from apocalyptic speculation based on Revelation.

Pierre du Moulin, The Accomplishment of Prophecies , sig. Throughout Chapter 10 of this work du Moulin quotes the king repeatedly. In this story Jehoshophat, king of Judah, collaborates with Ahab, king of Israel, against the Syrians. The court prophets about of them predict success, but Jehoshophat asks if there is no other prophet.

At Jehoshophat's insistence Micaiah is brought in: he accuses the other prophets of speaking with a lying spirit and enticing the king to a losing battle. After Micaiah's imprisonment, Ahab dies in battle. A prophet who insisted on speaking truth could, like Micaiah, expect persecution, not favour. For seventeenth-century writers, persecution might be read as a sign that they, like Micaiah and Hanani, were the true prophets of God. In comparison with other parts of the Bible, the Prophets received little attention in England from the Reformation until Commentaries and sermons on the Prophets, beyond those on the messianic sections of Isaiah, were few in comparison to those on the Books of Moses and the Wisdom Literature.

However, the broader world of continental Protestantism shows how the Prophets and their relevance for contemporary writers were generally understood. Calvin sees the biblical Prophets as interpreters of the law, and remembrancers to the kings and nation of God's law and covenant with Israel. King Hezekiah provides a model of how a king ought to respond to a prophet: 6 in the Laments'' II Chron. This illustrates well that a biblical poet could combine dire prophecy with praise of a king, that is, if the king followed the Lord.

The voices of the prophet, that of Calvin, and that of God Himself, are aligned in this passage, and the implication is that they stand in relationship to the king in similar ways. For although we do not daily receive revelation of what we are to utter as a prediction, yet it is of high importance to us to compare the behaviour of the men of our own age with the behaviour of that ancient people; and from their histories and examples we ought to make known the judgments of God.

However, by no means did all Calvinists agree with the application of biblical prophecy to current events. This involved gatherings of clergy and laymen outside the worship service, where a number of sermons would be presented on a biblical text. Elizabeth recognized these gatherings as a threat to the established church, and Archbishop Grindal was suspended for 7 8 9 10 Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Isaiah, trans. William Pringle Edinburgh, , p. Borris, p. See also Rodney L. Eerdmans, , pp. Daneau rejects outright those who claim to foretell future events, a sort of prophecy that he believes ended with the Revelation of John.

He also denies the application of Old Testament prophecy to current situations, but his description of acceptable prophesying would seem to include the uttering of new prophetic statements about the times. McCullough, Sermons at Court, pp. Daneau freq. He died in Thomas Fuller, Abel Redivivus [], p. At least one of his works was published in English: The revelation of S.

Jhon reveled, writen in Latine and Englished by J. Sanford Such perusal of the prophets then is not mere curiosity, du Moulin asserts, and, in fact, an ignoring of them would be a rejection of God's grace. Joseph Hall, a moderate churchman, provides an instructive example of how such tempering might be manifest.

His Contemplations were extremely popular in the period, and his description of the biblical institution of monarchy, and the relationship between king and prophet, stands in striking contrast to that of Calvin quoted above. It well beseemes a King to take information by a Prophet. Whiles wise Nathan was querulously discoursing, of the cruell rich man that had forceably taken away the only Lambe of his poore Neighbour, how willingly doth David listen to the Storie, and how sharply even above Law doth he censure the fact?

Hall skips right over the postDavidic history of Israel in his Contemplations, and makes no mention of the later writing prophets. In James' reign there was also some resistance to the common Protestant analogy between prophet and preacher. Works , p. For an outspoken dismissal of the idea of modern-day prophets shortly after James' death, see Stephen Denison, The White Wolf , a sermon preached at Paul's Cross, and particularly concerned with refuting the prophetic claims of John Hetherington. This far the only love of verity, I protest, without hatred at their persons, ha[s] moved me to be somewhat satiric.

However, in doing so they did not necessarily position themselves against the court. However, it is a mistake to assume that such was necessarily the case in the earlier years of the century. In the same way that Jeremiah might praise the virtuous king Josiah, English prophetic poets were more than strictly oppositional in relation to the court. John Donne, Sermons, eds George R.

  • King James I And The Religious Culture Of England Studies In Renaissance Literature!
  • Adventure Guide: Panama (Hunter Travel Guides)!
  • King James I and the Religious Culture of England (Studies in Renaissance Literature)?
  • The Complete Autobiographies of Frederick Douglass.
  • The Big Production #2 (Drama Club).
  • Site Search?
  • The Wild Side of Photography: Unconventional and Creative Techniques for the Courageous Photographer!

Potter and Evelyn M. Malpezzi Conway, Ark. See McCullough, Sermons at Court, pp. Poetry and Politics in the English Renaissance, pp. What they hoped for above all was a godly court where the prophet and his words would be welcome. In chastising the errors of the king and nation, such poets as Wither and Clapham were selfconsciously following in the tradition of such prophets as Jeremiah, Elijah, and Micaiah, yet they expected that with a godly king like James their admonitions would be graciously accepted and suitably rewarded.

With James' death, Wither would look to Charles to pick up the mantle never rightly worn by his father. Thorne ? The work is a manual of instruction to the king, but Thorne takes pains to note that he is not directly advising, that for the king there is no earthly instructor or model: according to Thorne, he is to imitate Christ or God directly.

From Thorne's book, James will perceive what it means to be Christ-like. In the dedicatory epistle Thorne presents himself as a latter-day Amos, who was forced to leave the royal chapel at Bethel and prophesy from Judah. But Prophesie no more at Beth-il. For it is the Kings Chappell, and the Kings Court''. He also sees the chapel at Bethel as ungodly: 30 31 sig. It is therefore unlawfull for thee to speake anything against the worship and holiness of this temple. For when hee stretched out his arme to have had the Prophet stayed, his hand which hee put forth against him, dryed up, and hee could not pull it in againe to him, I King 13, ver.

This would have increased the perception of Amos as anti-court prophet, and particularly as one who prophesied against the religious practices of the court. The implications of Thorne's use of the analogy are clear: the king's chapel, like the altar at Bethel, is not acceptable to God.

The use of the altar in the English church, and particularly in the Chapel Royal, was a focus in these years for the godly's objections, as will be demonstrated in the next chapter on the epigrams of Andrew Melville. Because Thorne is writing from Oxford, he can indeed be compared to Amos: he writes from outside the king's court. Amos had been banished because he prophesied against King Jeroboam, saying that the king would die by the sword and Israel would go into exile because of his death Amos Could an allusion to Amos's banishment avoid bringing with it the substance of his prophecy?

If Thorne is a latter-day Amos, does that make James a latter-day Jeroboam? Perhaps, it would be more accurate to suggest that Thorne's work presents the king as a potential Jeroboam, and that Esoptron Basilikon is a book of warning for the king, encouraging him to imitate Christ, in order to avoid that end.

For the godly in , the question was whether James would prove to be a Jereboam or instead a Josiah, the king of Judah who had reformed public worship, and to whose reign Amos looked forward. As an outsider and rustic Amos would have represented a model for those prophetic poets like Wither who stressed their untutored country ways. Ridley, John Knox, p. The quotation is from Daniel where the Chaldeans address King Nebuchadnezzar, but in this story they are in turn castigated by the king for their inability to recall his dream.

Thorne is again depicting himself as an outsider, but in this case one who stands apart from even his colleagues at Oxford. That Thorne borrows his exclamation of praise from the story of Nebuchadnezzar also places James in a negative extended analogy. Within the work itself Thorne adopts a mildly prophetic stance, by instructing James quite directly. He is a most Exemplar states-booke for thee: Read him, [A3r] and thy Subjects will read thee.

I have said; Yee are Gods, but yee shall dye like men'' [A3v]. His most successful work was A Briefe of the Bible, a synopsis of the Bible in verse, published at Edinburgh in , and revised for publication at London in A Briefe of the Bible is the sort of uncontroversial work of theological instruction that James would have found attractive.

In An Epistle Discoursing upon the Present Pestilence Clapham presents the plague of as God's judgement rather than a merely physical illness, and argues that churchmen and magistrates have a duty to remain in the city at such a time. His belief in the moral basis of the plague led him to much contact with those who were ill, as he did not fear contagion.

Throughout the work he invokes the examples of biblical kings and their response to national crises, and he ultimately extends this to connect himself with the biblical Prophets. An Epistle was to be Clapham's most controversial work, and it led to his imprisonment on 14 November Doctor Andros his Prosopopeia answered, sig. There were further editions of this work in and Argumentation of this sort simply seems unprophetic. The prophetic mode could integrate the critical capacity of satire with what poets hoped would be a poetry worthy of respect at court, a respect based on its divine nature.

Wither's high view of poetry derives most directly from the writings of Spenser, Sidney, and du Bartas. In Spenser he found the Virgilian movement from pastoral to heroic epic, in Sidney and du Bartas his vision of the high calling of the poet. At the time Clapham wrote this work, Andrewes was dean of Westminster. Juvenilia , sig. Prince Henries Obsequies and Epithalamia are poems of praise for members of the royal family; Abuses Stript and Whipt , A Satyre and Shepheards Hunting are all satiric works meant to correct the vices of England and warn the king against corruption.

Gestures to earlier or later works are typical of Wither: his poems are never isolated, but parts of an interconnected career. They announce works to come, or hark back to the success or controversy of earlier ones. Most often in the early works, even when in the role of the satirist, he is pointing forward to future poetry of importance. Many scholars have mistakenly viewed his attacks on various courtiers in his early works as a deep-seated opposition to the king and court. For Wither, James was still potentially the godly king.

New York: Burt Franklin, Due to the confusing double pagination of this reprint, I have chosen to cite by signature: these correspond to those in the original publication. Norbrook, Poetry and Politics in the English Renaissance, pp. Norbrook, at least, recognizes the arguments of the revisionists, but asserts that there were exceptional writers who questioned the traditional hierarchies p.

My argument is that the Wither of the s and s is not among these: he merely wanted his faction, and the ideas it represented, to enjoy the king's favour. If Wither's intended audience was primarily the king, why then did he bother to publish his poems rather than present them in manuscript form directly to the king? In Wither's case, publication created a public controversy that the king could not ignore. He did not proclaim himself a prophet in the biblical sense, yet at times his outspoken and direct stance are reminiscent of that model.

However, after James' death Wither went one step further. This lengthy work interprets the plague of as a warning to England of its sinful ways. Wither begins the poem with a long verse dedication to the king which seems to indicate that Charles was meant to receive a copy of the work before it was publicly distributed. Britains Remembrancer, sig.

A shorter manuscript copy of the work from , meant for presentation to Charles, survives Pepysian MS , Magdalene College, Cambridge. This was edited by J. As with his earlier satires, he knows that some courtiers will try to misrepresent Britains Remembrancer to the king: for that reason the king himself can be his only patron.

Wither now sees himself as God's chosen messenger, but he still desires to be the elect of earthly King Charles as well. He also describes the vision in which he, like Isaiah and Ezekial, is commissioned by God to the role of prophet: Thy god hatht toucht thy Tongue, and tipt thy Pen; And, therefore, feare not thou the face of men, Lest he destroy thee.

However, these aspects are not discontinuous with his earlier satiric and panegyric works. Britains Remembrancer is a striking work, then, for its melding of the two traditions, and the resulting lofty satire. Britains Remembrancer goes on for nearly pages divided into eight cantos; it begins in epic fashion with a conference between God and the 52 53 54 Britains Remembrancer, sig. Generally, the work reveals a moderate religious position, cautious between the extremes of papism and iconoclastic Puritanism.

What had changed with the beginning of Charles' reign to explain Wither's shift in approach? Biographical information is scanty, but it may have been the personal circumstances or disappointments of Wither himself. However, a broader explanation, not centred on Wither himself, might be necessary; Britains Remembrancer was only part of a wider increase in the use of the prophetic stance in the s. Therefore, unless thou repent, God hath sent the kingdom from thee and thy posterity after 55 56 57 58 59 60 It is possible that Britains Remembrancer was not published until because it could not be safely disseminated while Buckingham was alive.

Chamberlain to Carleton, 8 May , Chamberlain Letters, vol. Overall, this Balaam's Ass is encouraging the king to fully enforce his proclamation ordering all to leave London who had no proper business there. Thomas Birch , vol. Through the s Puritan preachers began turning increasingly to the biblical Prophets for sermon texts. That summer saw the beginning of Lady Eleanor Davies' long career of vehement prophetic utterance. Davies' application of the book of Daniel to contemporary events, A Warning to the Dragon and All His Angels, was delivered to George Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, in August, , and printed in the same year pp.

Harris' Hezekiah's Recovery Clearly, the actual or feared death of the monarch brought forth prophetic utterance that was not likely or possible at other times. When, as in and , this coincided with a summer plague, prophetic possibilities seemed all the greater. The year , however, did not merely repeat the prophetic moment of ; those prophetic works of the latter year were both more outspoken and daring in their invocation of biblical precedent, as well as more widespread.

This would seem to indicate a broader shift in the political and religious situation, one that was to reach its fruition during the civil wars and interregnum when prophetic utterances and works became commonplace. What mattered for these writers was that the biblical Prophets provided a model that allowed them to write on national issues with a tone of religious authority.

Esther Cope, ed. Colchester: U of Essex, , pp. They might also at times lament the general state of the nation, or rebuke it for its sins. A very limited number of writers in the early Stuart period made use of the prophet model, and those who did seem to have tended toward the Puritan or godly part of the Church of England.

These prophetic voices emerged in times of national crisis, times in which anxiety about the state of the nation would be at a high level, and the technical controls over printing loosened. Prophecy at the time might be an extension of the preaching or the poetic mode, but in neither case was it strictly oppositional; in the early Stuart period, at least, writers found a model for a more nuanced stance in the biblical Prophets themselves. Even preachers reproaching the king in sermons at which he was present might be more free, for at least they were not making his faults known to the nation.

King James I and the Religious Culture of England - James Doelman - Google книги

While this is typical of the tension between the king and the de facto leader of the Scottish Presbyterians from the s on, their relationship went through a series of stages, with frequent periods of ambivalence on the part of both men. At times, Melville was quite prepared poetically to praise James as at least a potential godly prince.

He produced a great range of literary works, many of which had some relation to King James: these ranged from celebrations of Queen Anne's coronation and the birth of Prince Henry, to satiric epigrams on the English church. Although he devoted most of his life to theological scholarship and church government, his fame as a poet was widespread, and his poems, however short, circulated widely and provoked great controversy. Unlike many ecclesiastics his poetic production did not slow down later in life: he continued to write until his death in at the age of seventy-seven.

A study of Melville's epigrams will also shed light on the shifts in the perception of James' role in religious matters as his reign went on. As Melville's epigrams will be the focus of this chapter, some explanation of the broader context of the genre is necessary. The epigram in general was the most fashionable poetic form of James' reign, John Owen's secular epigrams being the best known of these.

By the sacred, however, Bradner means those based on biblical passages or sacred days. Taking their cues from Disticha Catonis, rather than from Martial, they served as a vehicle for serious admonitory comment; however, a satiric element was not completely absent, especially in such collections of epigrams as Pasquillorum tomi duo , and John Parkhurst's Ludicra sive epigrammata juvenilia , which commented directly on church matters. However, the continuation of this tradition in the seventeenth century has received very little attention from scholars.

For British Protestants the writing of neo-Latin verse could serve to strengthen those international bonds which so many hoped would result in a strong Protestant League. Theodore Beza was the most prominent of these Protestant epigrammatists, and likely served as a model for Melville. His epigrams enjoyed a wide circulation throughout Europe, and while his Roman attackers focussed on the amorous epigrams of his youth, Protestants frequently reprinted his epigrams of religious controversy.

These continued to be used in inter-church polemic well after Beza's death in New York: Kraus, , p. Barbara Kiefer Lewalski Cambridge, Mass. The most thorough study of English neo-Latin writing, J. Binns' Intellectual Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England Leeds: Francis Cairns, , leaves epigrams, and in particular religious epigrams, largely undiscussed. Binns, p. Thus, widespread circulation occurred, even though publication was rare. While many of these epigrams were composed for a particular situation or controversy, they frequently developed an afterlife, as they were resurrected for later similar controversies.

Melville's early education was in Scotland at the time of the Reformation; he graduated from St. Andrews in , and then spent time at Paris, Poitiers, and Geneva, where he associated with such poets and scholars as Beza, Joseph Scaliger and Francois Hotman. From until the late s Melville proved himself willing to antagonize King James and the Scottish court on behalf of Presbyterianism and further reformation.

Throughout this time Melville's standing with the court varied depending on who controlled the king. During the regency of Morton he fared well, playing a key role in drafting the Second Book of Discipline , which attempted to rid the Scottish church of all remnants of episcopacy. He rose with the Ruthven Raiders, and then fell when James was rescued from them. However, by his reputation for speaking out in his sermons was such that he was permitted only to preach in Latin, thus limiting his audience to the learned. With the Armada the Scots had been frightened by their common enemy the Roman Catholics, and, as chancellor, John Maitland of Thirlestane promoted co-operation between competing groups.

In the poem, entitled Stefaniskion, Melville praises James for his courage in braving the North Sea to bring home his bride. There are allusions to James' poetry, and most importantly a section where the connection between God, the king and the church is clearly enunciated: o quam sumus una Coniuncti qui regnamur cum Rege catena?

Virtutis secat ille viam dux praevius? CSP, Scotland, vol. Lindsay was minister of Leith in , and imprisoned at the time of Black Acts. Fertur preceps per devia? Vernat Zephyris felicibus? Lapsum urget hyems? By the time of Prince Henry's baptism three years later, neither Melville nor the Presbyterian establishment enjoyed so unquestionably the light of the king's favour. In the spring of Melville was suspected of assisting the earl of Bothwell in his plots against the king, but he seems to have cleared himself by the time of the baptism on 30 August The leader of virtue going before us marks the way of virtue.

Beyond we are companions. Is he borne headlong through an erroneous way? Then we are borne headlong. Does winter push him with a downward movement? Prince Henry Edinburgh []. This work was reprinted in London in According to Allan F. This was presumably left unpublished, and no manuscript copy survives. Waldegrave excused himself on the grounds that he could not read Latin, and the king claimed not to have read the verses before granting approval. Throughout Melville's years in Scotland he experienced a tension between serving a godly prince, and criticizing that prince who too often failed to measure up to Melville's understanding of godliness.

Like many other Scots of the time Melville hoped that James would be a Constantinian godly prince, reigning over a renewed Christian empire. Yes, Melville hoped for a godly prince, but wanted one that would also receive instruction from preachers like himself. At that time as well there was a diplomatic crisis based on the question of whether a monarch was responsible for a work published in her honour.

New Poems by James I of England, ed. James might even be punning on Melville's name at this point, a practice common in the Latin poetry addressed to him at the time. David Calderwood, Historie of the Kirk of Scotland, ed. Thomson Edinburgh, , p. As king of England, however, James established peace with Spain, and the Hampton Court Conference made clear that there were serious limits to his toleration of further reform, much to the disappointment of Melville and those who shared his views.

In England some of the godly hoped that James' accession would lead to the English church becoming more like that of Scotland. The petition provoked a hostile response from Oxford, published in the fall of as The Answer of the Vice-Chancellor, the Doctors with the Proctors and other Heads of Houses in the University of Oxford; included in this work was a letter from the vice-chancellor of Cambridge supporting the Oxford position.

Musae, et P. Adamsoni vita et Palindoia STC , an anthology of poetry by Melville and Patrick Adamson, archbishop of St Andrews from until his death in , and a frequent opponent of Melville. Ad Regem'', Viri Clarissimi, p. Viri Clarissimi, p. STC However, he does this in a way that connects James to these pan-European Protestants as well: like the Petitioners themselves Melville still hopes that James might be the godly prince leading the nation, and bring the English church closer to continental Calvinism.

The previous year James had been angered by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland at Aberdeen, which had been held without his leave. As Melville's poem includes no reference to the Hampton Court Conference of January , it seems most likely that it was written in late or very early Three years later Melville's Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria appeared once again in an appendix to another of Calderwood's works on the controversy, Altare Damascenum An English edition of this work had appeared in without Melville's poem. After this series of sermons was concluded on 28 September, Melville was required to be present at the celebration of the festival of St Michael at the English Chapel Royal at Windsor.

Reformation easy explanation in Hindi

In response to what he saw there he penned the following lines: Cur stant clausi Anglis libri duo regia in ara, Lumina caeca duo, pollubra sicca duo? Russell Edinburgh, , vol. Thomson Edinburgh, , vol. Appleton, , vol. This was only one of many instances where James set up English theologians to counter Scottish Presbyterian arguments: in , George Abbot was sent to Scotland, as the chaplain to the earl of Dunbar, to address the General Assembly at Linlithgow Paul A.

Similarly, Dr Downham's sermon in defense of episcopacy was widely distributed in Scotland in the same year. All these sermons were printed in or Oxford: Clarendon Press, , p. Usher, Reconstruction of the English Church, vol. He is citing Row, Historie of the Kirk of Scotland, p.

According to M'Crie, Barlow responded to Melville's epigram on Bancroft with one of his own, and directs readers to Walton's Lives, ed. Thomas Zouch York, , p. Romano an ritu dum regalem instruit aram, Purpuream pingit relligiosa lupam? James was shown a copy of the verses by one of his chaplains, and subsequently called Melville before the Privy Council.

  • The Complete Autobiographies of Frederick Douglass!
  • Renaissance in english literature pdf?
  • Recent Studies in the English Renaissance - Semantic Scholar.

Spottiswoode's account suggests that Melville's insolence before the council, rather than the poem itself, was the reason for his imprisonment; however, the only formal charge brought against him in April was the epigram itself. Two blind lights, two dry wash-basins? John Spottiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland, ed. M'Crie, vol. Life of Herbert , p. De la Boderie, vol. The epigram provided an opportunity for other poets to express their loyalty to James and the English church.

Ultimately, the epigram is dismissive of Melville, suggesting he would complain regardless of what he found on the English altar. In the same manuscript, on a facing page, another anonymous response to Melville is found. MS Rawl. In fact, Dunbar actively worked against the Melvilles, and there may be a connection between his death in and Melville's release the following year. Melville's release was likely due to a number of such developments in England and on the continent.

Archbishop Bancroft had also died in , and this removed what seems to have been a personal antagonism between Melville and the English archbishop. Melville's imprisonment had damaged James' reputation on the continent; that a theologian and churchman so widely respected by Protestants across Europe was being held prisoner by a Protestant prince was perceived by many as scandalous.

During Melville's imprisonment a number of continental Protestant universities sought his release so that he might join them in their work. Finally, through the intercession of a leading French Protestant, Henri, duke of Bouillon, Melville was released in to take up a position at the University of Sedan. Finally, Melville's theological skills might actually be useful to James if he were released and safely established in France. Already in Melville had been consulted by continental theologians about the emerging theology of Arminius, and by the emerging controversy of Vorstius' 53 54 55 56 57 means of circulation was oral.

See also Court and Times of James I, ed.

1205 Introduction to Literature

Birch, vol. New York: AMS, , p. Calderwood, Historie of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. CSPD, vol. See also M'Crie, vol. However, he and his earlier works were not forgotten by the Scots and English. At the Perth Assembly struggles similar to those of the Hampton Court Conference were played out again, as James tried to impose a more English style of worship in Scotland. Andrewe Melvine come here to disturb all good order''. An assembly stacked with laymen whom the Presbyterians claimed had no right to vote passed the articles.

The controversy had only just begun: for the next four years, there was a series of proclamations ordering compliance, protests from Scottish congregations and individuals, and defenses of the articles and James' policy. Also writing against Vorstius was George Eglishem, the poet-physician who will be discussed below.

Calderwood, True History of the Church of Scotland , p. Also appearing in this context was the largest published collection of Melville's verse, Viri Clarissimi A. Melvini Musae, et P. Adamsoni vita et Palindoia, a counterblast put together by a supporter of Melville. While it included epigrams attacking Melville, the bulk of the collection was made up of Melville's own epigrams.

These epigrams ranged from Melville's celebratory panegyrics written at James' accession to the English throne, to his notorious lines on the royal altar. The main goal of the collection seems to have been to counter Wilson's attack in the preface to De Sacro Pastoris 62 63 64 65 66 both James and the marquis of Hamilton had been poisoned by the doctors appointed by the duke of Buckingham Prodromus Vindictae [].

Hamilton had been a lifelong patron to Eglishem. Thomas Wilson] , sig. Gordon suggests that the lights of the English altar are dim, and the books closed, because the English have closed themselves to the leadership of the pope. Such defenders could only bring the Church of England into disrepute.

The years following the Perth Assembly also saw the composition of new poems in response to Melville. However, the most notable response to Melville in these years was that of George Herbert in a series of Latin epigrams entitled Musae Responsoriae, dedicated to King James. After all, Anti-Tami-Cami-Categoria had been an attack on Cambridge as well as the liturgy of the church. The identity of this John Gordon is not clear. In addition, the author of this poem is clearly Roman Catholic. However, I would suggest that Melville would not be displeased if readers mistook this for the thoughts of the dean of Salisbury.

BL MS Harl. See Thomas Fuller, Church History , vol. Murphy Athens: Ohio UP, , pp. He simultaneously celebrates the moderate orderliness of English worship and ridicules the zeal and obstinacy of the Scots. In the early s the furor over English foreign policy and the Spanish match generated a wealth of manuscript-circulated epigrams. Among those circulating were some believed to be by King James himself. Ultimately, Melville's desires for the Church of Scotland and Protestantism in general were defeated by the policy of James.

M'Crie believes that the work was by Melville's friend James Sempill vol. I am now engaged on a study of epigram circulation in the period. Ultimately, there was perceived to be a closer correspondence between James and a biblical king than between him and a pagan emperor. Widely overlooked as well has been the important model that later Christian emperors such as Constantine provided for the iconography of the time. For some it 1 2 3 4 William P. Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, fasc. See for example James I and the Politics of Literature.

Such neo-typology could also be applied to monarchs; it was not only that James had similar qualities to Solomon, but that God might be perceived as using James as he had used Solomon, to bring peace, or to further devout worship. Censorship and Interpretation, p. Solomon, for all his wisdom and the building of the Temple, had been attracted to magic, and had fallen into pagan worship at the end of his life. Most writers who invoked the biblical king as a prototype for James overlooked these things, but in a biblically literate society, they might come to a reader's mind unbidden, and in non-analogical discussions they might arise in a way that commented upon the present.

The Bible provided iconographers of James' reign with a host of kings as possible models or comparisons: David, Solomon, Joash, Josiah, Hezekiah were all frequently invoked. Thus, it is not surprising that Andrew Willet celebrated James through extended comparison to David in a sermon. The parallel was usually drawn in reference to his composition of the Psalms, which James as poet-king was known to be translating.

Chamberlain Letters, 21 May , vol. There were actually two biblical kings named Joram or Jehoram, the one a son of Ahaziah, and king of Israel, the other a son of Jehoshaphat, and king of Judah. This aspect of James' career will be considered below in Chapter 8. As such, he provided a model for those Protestants encouraging James to enact harsher measures against recusants.

The former, like Josiah, was a boy king, coming to the throne at the age of six, and a restorer of the Temple. Hezekiah was another opposer of idolatry, which English Protestants usually associated with the Roman church. John Speed, History of Great Britain , p. Daniel Price, A Heartie Prayer , p. Such iconography was particularly widespread in the years immediately following , as James pushed for a union of the kingdoms.

The Complaint of Paules to all Christian Soules , p. Arthur Johnston Oxford: Clarendon Press, , p. William Tate, p. James is quoting Proverbs Basilicon doron. His Apology for the Oath of Allegiance. Canticum Canticorum''.

  1. Village Centenary (Fairacre Book 15)!
  2. Supramolecular Enzyme Organization. Quaternary Structure and Beyond?
  3. The Art of Natural Healing.
  4. King James I And The Religious Culture Of England (Studies In Renaissance Literature).
  5. Ulysses S. Grant: Soldier & President (Modern Library Paperbacks).
  6. Enzymes in food processing.
  7. These had been relatively neglected in the reign of Elizabeth, and while James was not as active as his son in church restoration, his attempts were noted by contemporaries. John Taylor celebrates James' success in this area: Besides for Churches, it most plaine appeares, That more hath bin repair'd in twenty yeeres, In honour of our God and Saviours name Then in an hundred yeeres before he came. The Complaint of Paules, p. Or has Farley received misinformation? On 26 March , James led a procession to Paul's Cross, where a special ceremony was held, inaugurating the campaign of repair.

    A favourite device was to present them as taking the role of the queen of Sheba, admiring the wisdom and glory of the king: Graunt that his dayes may be like Salomon, A mirrur unto all the world beside, That those which heare his fame farre of to ring, Like Sabaes Queene, may all admire our King. However, this must be viewed in relation to a competing model of James as a latter-day Constantine. Paul's Cathedral Philadelphia: Jacobs, n. A Sermon at Paules Crosse [p. Samuel Rowlands, Ave Caesar, , qtd. Tate, pp. In discussing the iconography of James, both Goldberg and Parry largely ignore the connections between imperial imagery and the apocalyptic associations based on the analogy to Constantine.

    For Goldberg, a reference to Constantine is only one more classical, imperial reference. It is true that the notion of a godly prince ruling over Britain was less important for his English subjects than for his Scottish ones; however, in his new English subjects were quick to take on the language and imagery of Britain. It was nearly always linked with the idea of a Constantinelike leader.

    In England it became widely known through Foxe's Actes and Monuments. Germano suggests that the assumption that praise of Elizabeth was serious, while that of James was not, has been a recurring and wrong-headed feature of much scholarship The Literary Icon of James I, p. Actes and Monuments , vol. Constantine was held up as a model by a wide range of writers and preachers, not just the more militant Calvinists. Williamson suggests that in the s James tended to focus on the model of David rather than Constantine as a safer model for the imperial vision.

    However, it is not just that one image replaced the other, rather there was a tension between those who wished to see James as a Constantinian emperor, leading Protestant Europe, and those who saw him as a peacemaker. It must be stressed that at various times in his career, James accepted or endorsed both images. Joseph Hall's sermon on the tenth anniversary of James' accession provides an extended consideration of the Constantinian model by a moderate churchman in the middle of James' reign.

    But if ye shall still do wickedly, ye shall be consumed, both ye and your king. A Holy Panegyrick The extended comparison to Constantine takes up the latter part of the sermon. Both worked closely with their bishops and encouraged their children to continue in their ways. This reference gives to James a limited Constantinian role: he will lead in Europe, but through the pen and controversy rather than by the sword. His sermon then is a call to maintain a Constantinian position, a view that he would continue to express ten years later in his sermons The Best Bargaine and The True Peacemaker which will be discussed below in reference to James as Solomonic peacemaker.

    Golden Age Restor'd, p. For Crakanthorpe the central issue was the relationship between imperial and religious power: was the Donation of Constantine genuine? Crakanthorpe includes many of the attributes suggested by Hall, but with considerably more detail. For those in the late s encouraging James to call a church council open to all but supporters of the papacy's secular claims, Constantine, who had overseen such councils as that of Nicea, was an important precedent. Amussen and Mark A. Kishlansky Manchester: Manchester UP, , pp.

    Bingham, The Making of a King, p. This peacemaking was most often framed in biblical terms, with supreme emphasis on Solomon as a biblical prototype of James. This is very much the case with the iconography of peace and peacemaking. In addition, while supporters of James might celebrate his peacemaking, thus giving him an active role, that same stance might appear more passive to other subjects, particularly ones not privy to the larger vision of James' foreign policy, who could not see the ends, only the means. While James' role as Solomon-like peacemaker has been occasionally noted, most scholars have refused to take it seriously, dismissing it instead as mere weakness or vain folly on the king's part.

    The Literary Icon of James I, p. Maurice Lee, Jr. In addition, the diplomatic accomplishments of James are often underemphasized. John R. Martyn Leiden: E. Brill, , vol. Lansdowne MS , fol. Workes, , fasc. The former would break our peace with Christ; the latter with ourselves and the church: both these are almost desperate. But there is a third, pax politica, a civil peace; and the common disturbers of this are such contentious spirits, that either unprovoked, out of mischievous intentions, or being provoked, out of malicious revenge, set all in uproar, make a mutiny in manners, an ataxy in the course of life.

    While all might agree on the virtue of peace within a kingdom and within Christendom, a more vexing question was whether there could there be peace between Christendom and the Islamic world. From youth, James was apprehensive of violence and warfare: legend had it that he could not stand the sight of an unsheathed sword; while some were to blame this on the traumatic death of his mother's Italian secretary David Rizzio who was murdered while James was in utero, he was certainly directly exposed to enough violence as a child to explain his abhorrence of the sword.

    Through his Scottish years James frequently found himself at the mercy of the physical power of various Scottish factions, held as a near-captive by them. On James' ecumenism, see Fincham and Lake, pp. Aylett, Peace and her Foure Garders , p. Works, ed. However, James would have little need, and less use, for military men in his reign; it was said by Weldon that Sir Robert Mansell was the only military man the king could abide. He consistently attempted to achieve peace, not through the sword, but through alliances, including the matrimonial ones of his children, and through the pen.

    James' English reign had begun in a strikingly peaceful way; as the impossibility of a direct heir to Elizabeth became clear in the s and s, English fears at the consequences of her eventual death increased. Memories of the struggles of the s surfaced. Thus, it was with considerable relief and even surprise that England greeted James' peaceful accession.

    In his chronicle, The Wonderfull Yeare, Thomas Dekker celebrates this peaceful transition in the face of the expectation of anarchy: The losse of a Queene, was paid with the double interest of a King and Queene. The Cedar of her government which stood alone and bare no fruit, is changed now to an Olive, upon whose spreading branches grow both Kings and Queenes. Upon Thursday it was treason to cry God save king James king of England, and uppon Friday hye treason not to cry so. Peace also made good economic sense, and had been greatly supported by Cecil in the early part of the English reign for that reason.

    He achieved this through diplomatic negotiation and the threat of military intervention. Non-dramatic Works , pp. Works, vol. Spottiswoode, The History of the Church of Scotland , vol.

    Author Bio

    James would at times be simultaneously engaged in contesting the limits of spiritual and temporal powers with the pope and his 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 Ibid. Lee, Great Britain's Solomon, p. Song 4, line New Poems, ed. Westcott, p. Andrewes to Dudley Carleton, 24 Feb. In all these battles James enlisted supporters and soldiers of the pen.

    Similarly, the Roman Catholic Becanus proved an ally against Vorstius. The policy and iconography of peacemaking were thrown into crisis by the attempt of James' son-in-law, Frederick of the Palatine, to take the Bohemian crown in Early in the Bohemian crisis, a work entitled The Peace-maker appeared in London bookstalls;95 although primarily the work of Thomas Middleton, it presents James' vision of himself as a peace-bringing king. Lee, Great Britain's Solomon, pp. Lee's comment is based on the fact that it would not have solved the European situation, particularly the dilemma of the Elector Frederick, and that James failed to consider the deep opposition to it within England.

    Manuscripts Online: Written Culture to Digitized Medieval Manuscripts App. Consulting Medieval Manuscripts Online. Medieval Manuscripts on the Web. Early Manuscripts from the University of Iowa Libraries. European Association for Digital Humanities. The Catalogue of Digitized Medieval Manuscripts. Additionally, the institution holds an annual book fair every summer which contains books on medieval and renaissance literature and history for sale at average or reduced prices.

    During the fall semester, graduate students will have the chance to apply for the position of the McElroy publicity assistant for the next celebration. The Medieval Studies program at LUC often holds talks by visiting scholars focusing on various topics in medieval literature and history and other events in collaboration with various university departments.