Google Scholar. Rubin, The Fragmentation of Afghanistan. Khalilzad and D. Rashid, Taliban. Tauris, , p. Schmitt ed. Menashri ed. CrossRef Google Scholar. On the parallels and relations between Iran and Venezuela, see: M. Dorraj and M. His country was eager to do its part.
The United States also urged those in a position to do so to support efforts to ensure the safety and security of the liberated areas and especially to protect Afghan civilians and international personnel. As terrorism was set to flight, Afghans must know that the international community would help them rebuild, and support their efforts to achieve the peace that had so long been denied them.
Without help, it would be impossible to eliminate the threats that had been emanating from Afghanistan. Preventing that threat from endangering the security of the region and the international community fell squarely within the purview of the United Nations. There must be a peaceful and truly independent State that had friendly relations with its neighbours and with the international community as a whole.
He said the viability of the future political system depended upon whether the new government was multi-ethnic. Only on that basis would there be a stable political regime. It was important to avoid the domination of any one ethnic group over the other. There could be no place for the Taliban in the new government, unless the criminal element was eliminated. The international community must distinguish between the Taliban and the Pashtun, the bulk of whom did not share the views of the Taliban. He stressed the importance of yesterday's meeting between.
It was important to condemn the links of the Taliban with terrorist organizations and support the efforts of the people to rid themselves of that regime. He stressed the importance of the involvement of other countries through the use of available mechanisms. As the job to rebuild Afghanistan became more urgent, the role of the Afghan support group should grow. At the present time in Kunduz province, a large group of military Taliban -- 10, people -- was fully surrounded. The troops consisted of Taliban and foreign mercenaries.
The rank and file might benefit from amnesty, if they handed over their weapons. He called on the international community to pressure them to halt their resistance and avoid further bloodshed. The Russian Federation would continue to contribute its large-scale assistance through the United Nations. He stressed the importance of the efforts of the Secretary-General and Mr. Brahimi and affirmed his Government's commitment to work closely with them over the range of Afghan problems. KNIGHT, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Jamaica , President of the Council, speaking in his national capacity, said the changing situation on the ground in Afghanistan must not result in further atrocities, but in peace and security and a process that reflected the will of the Afghan people.
His delegation supported the establishment of a broad-based, democratic, stable and representative government in the country. The United Nations also had an important role to play in assisting in the process that would lead up to that government. He said Mr.
He commended the United Nations system for its contribution to alleviating the suffering of Afghans over the last few weeks and the innovative efforts to both find alternative delivery routes and target regions where needs were the greatest. There had to be stable environment in Afghanistan for humanitarian organizations to function efficiently, he said. The influx of refugees into neighbouring countries and their abysmal conditions in camps also required immediate assistance.
Special attention must also be paid to the condition of Afghan women and girls, who had been denied their basic civil and human rights and suffered from exclusion. Objectives in Afghanistan could only be achieved with the cooperation and assistance of neighbouring countries and the wider international community. When the Council reconvened at p. He said the European Union remained ready to participate actively, under the aegis of the United Nations, in the quest for a political solution and in the subsequent reconstruction of Afghanistan.
The fight against the scourge of terrorism in Afghanistan required as wide an international coalition as possible, under the aegis of the United Nations. The Organization remained the most appropriate forum for reinvigorating and reinforcing the efforts to eliminate international terrorism. The threat was global and so must be the cooperation between all cultures, religions and societies. The fight against terrorism was not directed at the Muslim world. He said the Union firmly supported the targeted military operations that began on 7 October. The objective was to eliminate the Al Qaeda terrorist organization.
The target was not the civilian population. Emergency humanitarian aid was an absolute priority for the Union, which had undertaken to mobilize without delay aid amounting to more that million euros. He stressed the importance of releasing the funds promised by the international community. The Union also appealed to the countries of the region to facilitate the humanitarian operations directed at fresh flows of Afghan refugees, and it called on the international community to assist those countries.
There would be no peace and stability in the country as long as there was no democratic and broad-based government, which included all ethnic groups, he said. The new government must have respect for the principles of human rights and law. It was up to the United Nations and the Special Representative of the Secretary- General for Afghanistan to play a central role in helping the Afghans to establish such a government. He went on to say that the uncertainties surrounding the length and consequences of the military campaign meant that the United Nations, to some extent, would have to be flexible.
He stressed the importance of incorporating a human rights dimension into any settlement concerning Afghanistan. It was important to initiate a plan for the economic and institutional reconstruction of the country right away, as it was essential for the political process to be backed up with economic aid. It was urgent for Mr. Brahimi to start bringing the parties together, as part of the comprehensive proposals he had presented to the meeting.
A new political structure should be founded on Afghan ownership and should not be imposed from outside. Regarding security, he said the success of the military campaign should not result in the predominance of a particular party or faction, and the possession of towns should not determine exclusively the outcome of the political process. The Security Council resolution must enable swift action to ensure as soon as possible some international, preferably United Nations, presence in the towns that changed hands in recent days.
India, US, Afghanistan reaffirm shared interest against terror
Very soon after that, transitional military arrangements would be essential to create a secure environment. Stressing that the United Nations should take the lead in coordinating and organizing reconstruction and rehabilitation, he said quick-impact projects in areas like food, housing and water supply should be implemented without delay to support economic recovery. There was a need to set up new channels or structures for international aid. The Afghanistan Support Group could continue to act as the platform for donor coordination, supporting the United Nations.
A humanitarian donor conference must be coordinated by the United Nations. For the United Nations effort to succeed, it was important that not only the wider membership stay involved, but that those countries providing the bulk of resources participate in the policy-making process. The Council must provide Mr. Brahimi with the right tools to act promptly, he emphasized. The key challenge before the Council was meeting the security needs of Afghanistan, while steps were being taken to establish a legitimate government.
The United Nations had a leading role in addressing the political future of the country. Brahimi was also critical. The international coalition was now embarking on a campaign to suppress Al Qaeda. But, while the withdrawal of the Taliban from Kabul was good, there was still a long way to go. He underscored that there should be increased efforts to avoid civilian casualties.
Too many innocent lives had already been lost. As winter approached, assistance must also be delivered to the millions who would be at risk. He said the political and humanitarian dimensions of the Afghan crisis were intrinsically linked and must be addressed in a coordinated way, if a long-term solution was to be found.
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Resolving the crisis was the most important challenge before the United Nations today. Everything depended on the restoration of a legitimate government in Afghanistan. Restoring law and order would contribute enormously to the crisis affecting millions living marginally in refugee camps. He urged the Council to act decisively so that the desired outcome could be achieved in Afghanistan. The Afghans had suffered at the hands of man and nature for over two decades. Osama bin Laden had abused Afghan hospitality to spread terror across the globe.
The terrorist attacks of 11 September provoked righteous condemnation, and Pakistan had joined that condemnation and the coalition against terrorism. The military attack in Afghanistan had inflicted unintended suffering on innocent people. The President of Pakistan had called for the military action to be combined with political and humanitarian strategies to bring peace and stability. He emphasized that for there to be stability, the post-Taliban government should be representative of the demography of Afghanistan. It should be home-grown and should commit itself to the United Nations resolutions.
He said the Assembly for Peace and Unity of Afghanistan, which included representatives of the diverse population of the country, had adopted a plan for a government of peace and unity. It was particularly important now to keep political objectives in focus. He endorsed the proposals of Mr. Brahimi, but cautioned that speed was of the essence. Unless the United Nations was able to put together a political dispensation that was representative of the country, conflict and turmoil would continue. It would be vital for the interim government to move to Kabul.
Peace and security there must be ensured. Acts of reprisal and ethnic cleansing must be prevented, or it would deal a mortal blow to the hope for unity of the Afghan people. The need for a humanitarian strategy required a concerted action, not only in refugee camps, but also inside Afghanistan, he said.
It would involve setting up camps inside Afghanistan for internally displaced persons. Next to Afghanistan, no country had suffered more than Pakistan. The refugees had entered the labour force, increasing unemployment among Pakistanis. Pakistan was not able to open its borders to all, since that would bring a massive influx that the country could not afford. It was essential to provide assistance to the needy Afghans inside their own country. Pakistan continued to allow vulnerable Afghans to be housed in refugee camps near the border, on a temporary basis, and would continue to do what it could to alleviate the hardships of the Afghans.
The current military actions were targeted to bring to justice the perpetrators of the terrorist attacks and eradicate the Al Qaeda network and those who provided assistance and sanctuary to the terrorists. Every effort should be made to reduce further sufferings of the Afghan civilian population and limit the loss of innocent lives. That population had, for years, been victim of a humanitarian crisis, aggravated by the policies of an undemocratic and isolationist regime.
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Adequate conditions must be promptly created to prevent a security vacuum, and they should accompany the political developments, he said. A proper security framework was an indispensable element of stability and necessary for the distribution of humanitarian assistance.
The Regional Dimensions to Security: Other Sides of Afghanistan
In fact, humanitarian efforts should be intensified, particularly to the internally displaced persons. It had also increased its aid to countries that sheltered large numbers of refugees. Together with the United Nations, Italy was studying how to better assist the reconstruction, once peace had returned to the region, he said. Italy intended to consider, as a matter of priority, quick implementation projects benefiting the local population.
Efforts should be particularly focused in the agricultural sector and in promoting crop replacement, with the aim of eradicating the plague of drugs. The donor community must be mobilized within a clear intervention strategy, encompassing the transition from the emergence phase to reconstruction and rehabilitation. While a military operation had been launched in response to the terrorist threat, military action was not the solution.
The people of Afghanistan did not deserve another war and must be offered other alternatives. He stressed the imperative of pursuing a political objective beyond military action and preparing for a peaceful end to decades of conflicts and the harbouring of terrorism.
In the light of the liberation of Kabul, Kandahar, Mazar-i-Sharif, Taleqan, Herat and provinces in the north, the time had come to advance the formation of a broad-based government, so as to avoid a recurrence of previous situations. The Security Council should adopt a resolution enumerating the principles of a post-Taliban government, defining the presence and monitoring role of the United Nations during a transitional period, he said.
There was also an urgent need to piece together a time-bound transitional arrangement to move from post-conflict to normalcy. That urgency had been further augmented by recent military developments. Noting that poverty made peace fragile, he stressed that international financial institutions should contribute significantly to the restoration of peace and normalcy to Afghanistan through the mobilization of assistance for reconstruction and development.
With the approach of winter, following three years of drought, Afghans were in dire need of humanitarian assistance. To avert the impending crisis, the supply of assistance, especially to the north, had to continue much more energetically. The international community must seize the opportunity, because the costs of failure would be immense.
He noted that his Government had facilitated the delivery of humanitarian assistance. The international community needed to think now about the economic reconstruction of Afghanistan, he said. An entire generation had grown up knowing nothing but war. He supported the principle that an essential unifying role must be played by the United Nations.
The events of today had validated the correctness of the actions of the international community in its fight against terrorism. His Government would do everything it could to see that peace returned to Afghanistan and to help restore the integrity of a country where peace and security could be ensured. Concerted international action was of crucial importance if the Afghan people were to rebuild their identify. The international community would support their efforts, but it should not dictate to them who would be in the government and how it should be formed. He supported the idea that regional and tribal identities should be encouraged to merge into a single Afghan identity and resume their roles as subcultures.
He said neighbouring countries and United Nations Member States should refrain from having a particular Afghan group as a primary ally and from trying to pursue particular interests through such an ally. Overemphasizing or undermining the role of any particular group would be counter-productive. The international community should continue to bring in comprehensive humanitarian support. In regions of Afghanistan that were being freed from terrorist oppression, the international community should organize itself to provide for basic needs and display the ability to help produce a better future.
The people must be able to see a concrete change, as well as new opportunities. Setting a successful precedent in the already liberated areas would provide a catalyst for those areas not yet liberated. So far, he said, there had been encouraging news from those areas that were being liberated. It also seemed that the liberating groups were behaving more appropriately than they had in the past.
If, however, the international community was not present in Afghanistan, there might be negative developments that would jeopardize the effort to rebuild Afghanistan. Turkey was ready to take part in any group that worked towards the rehabilitation of Afghanistan, he said. One thing was certain -- a purely repressive response to terrorism would fail.
That lesson must not be forgotten, particularly with regard to Afghanistan. He said civil war, human rights violations and the misery inflicted on millions of refugees had provided the nourishing ground for an unprecedented symbiosis between the Al Qaeda terrorist group and the Taliban regime. From there, the trail led directly to the monstrous attacks on the United States. But, the humanitarian catastrophe in Afghanistan was, first and foremost, the work of the Taliban and, it had begun long before 11 September. A solution to the crisis must be found by the Afghan population and reflect their diversity, he emphasized.
The first pressing goal should be the convening of a representative body to form a transitional government, which would agree on the implementation of a peace plan. It was also necessary to take into consideration the legitimate interests and concerns of neighbouring States, which bore a large share of the responsibility for the success of peace efforts.
A political solution must be legitimized and comprehensively backed by the United Nations and the international community, as the prerequisite for stabilizing the situation and organizing relief and reconstruction. He stressed that the Northern Alliance also bore responsibility for security and stability. His Government was very concerned about reports of recent atrocities that might jeopardize efforts for a political solution. A new political order could only claim legitimacy if it respected universal human rights and international law. He said the United Nations must be able to count on broad international support in its quest to support the creation of viable political institutions.
That required cooperation from those States that were particularly affected, or were playing a major role. In order to combine and increase the humanitarian efforts of the international community, Germany had, as chair of the Afghan Support Group, convened a meeting in Berlin for early December to send a signal of international solidarity with Afghanistan. Commending Mr. Brahimi on his report and his wise insights on the current situation on the ground, he said the Special Representative was tasked to set up a multi-ethnic neutral administration in Afghanistan. That was a difficult order.
The international community must act promptly, as that would be decisive to the future of the country and intrinsic to the campaign against terrorism. He agreed with Mr. The only solution had to be advanced by the Afghans for Afghans and supported by the international community. Success also hinged on satisfying the security concerns of all Afghans and their neighbours. He said Afghanistan was a much neglected and abused country and could not even be ranked on the last United Nations human development index.
The importance of broadly engaging Afghan civil society in the dialogue on the country could not be overstated. Afghanistan could not afford to deprive itself of 50 per cent of its talent. Canada stood ready to offer humanitarian assistance, he added. However, at a time when military actions were under way, it was necessary to ensure the security of non-combat areas and provide humanitarian assistance. Once military actions ended, those efforts must be further strengthened, and efforts for rehabilitation and administration must commence in a seamless manner.
It was also necessary to advance efforts for political stability in the country. With winter approaching, he added, the international community must urgently deliver food and other vital goods to the people of Afghanistan, and Member States must join together in supporting the humanitarian activities of United Nations organizations. Japan had already extended emergency economic assistance, including assistance to Afghan refugees, to Pakistan and to other neighbouring countries. Japan was preparing to play an active role in the efforts both to attain peace in Afghanistan and to help reconstruct the country, he said.
Since , his Government had been calling for holding a conference for peace and reconstruction in Afghanistan. Japan was prepared to host, at the earliest possible stage, a conference that would contribute to the peace and reconstruction of Afghanistan, in cooperation with the countries and organizations concerned. A secure government capable of protecting its people would require a credible and effective security force. In creating that force, it would be useful to integrate different non-Taliban armed groups into an effective national military and police force.
Those elements would have to be effectively neutralized to enable the intra-Afghan force to discharge its functions. He added that, in the name of protecting national interests, attempts were being made from some quarters to retain a veto over the architecture of the future Afghan polity. To accept that would be wrong in principle, as well as in practice.
The new Afghan government should be a government of the Afghans, by the Afghans and for the Afghans, and should be seen by the Afghans as such. India, he said, had already announced economic assistance of medicine, medical services and 1 million tonnes of wheat for the needy in Afghanistan and those displaced from that country. The problem of Afghanistan had not only regional dimensions, but also a broader international dimension. The international community must help that country become a valuable member of the world community and change its image. Afghan society was on the verge of major change, and the international community must help it.
Fatmasti provided the jihad with its share of qumandan , but after it also provided the administration of the Karzai government with many of its local officials, whose decisions in turn fuelled resentment and vendetta. This war in Fatmasti was a small-scale replica of political life in Bamyan. This event also reawakened another dimension of the social history of Afghanistan: that of the arbaki. Thus, viewing Islamic radicalisation, ethnic polarisation or tribal atavism as responsible for the social and political violence in Afghanistan gives an incomplete picture of the situation, as it ignores transformations in society and the new challenges of this supposedly traditional conflict.
In addition, donors often use a naive language, trapped within general models and paradigms disconnected from the reality of the country whose problems they are attempting to solve. Ethnicity, language, tradition and even Islam cannot be considered as explanatory categories in themselves. And this is true even if the fight against the Taliban, the neo-liberal zeitgeist, and globalisation have given the military actors, non-governmental organisations NGOs and the diaspora an important role, in addition to or instead of governments and their public agencies of cooperation.
Afghanistan holds a sad record: in the s, the country produced the highest number of refugees in the world. Since , the problems arising from this conjunction, far from being resolved, have worsened, especially when it comes to property Adelkhah, The Karzai Administration has merely endorsed the overlapping and layering of laws and regulations handed down from prior periods, pragmatically using, to its advantage, the local balance of power between institutions, between social and ethnic groups, and between commanders.
In reality, over and above the make-believe discourse presented to foreign donors, this policy has led to a centralisation of the land allocation process and then to land-grabbing on the part of those in power and their clientele, in their own names or those of their families and in the name of the state. From this point of view, the general relations maintained by both the dominant political class and the state with the mass of the population—especially with residents in rural, sedentary or nomad zones—is probably more important than the extent of interethnic or religious relationships, although they are often two sides of the same coin.
The only major legislative reform in this area was passed in and aimed at the opening of the land market to foreign investors. Even if its application is still limited, this reform has created more problems than it has solved. It has absolutely not broken with the logics of accumulation of the national ruling class that controls the granting of agricultural and mining concessions, since this class still holds the keys to the market and the signing of contracts.
If these foreign investments are indeed made, they will trigger the alienation of considerable amounts of land, to the detriment of small farmers and shepherds. Certainly, the responsibilities of Afghan actors are substantial. However, had not the rot already set in because of the inconsistencies of foreign intervention? The basic problem lies, perhaps, in the idea or in the very principle of the aid in the name of which Afghan actors interact. The legacy of the violence of the years to and the painful memory they left did not miraculously disappear thereafter.
The war is still very present in the minds of Afghans. It continues to provide the grammar and even the lexicon of day-to-day social life. In fact, it has formed the matrix of present-day Afghanistan, as a result of the population movements and the destruction and transfer of property that it caused. In addition, it has shaped the social consciousness of Afghans, who continue to zigzag between past and present in their daily conversations, if only because of the still visible traces of the battles of the s and s or the transformations of the landscape—especially in terms of urbanisation—that the conflict caused.
The landscape has a mnemonic function and the war remains the great founding narrative of contemporary Afghanistan. Of course, war brings violence, destruction and death. But the experiences of Afghans cannot be reduced to this tragic dimension. From the political and social point of view, war is also an existential experience. The Islamic intellectual Azizullah Royesh 5 admirably sums up this idea in his book bogzar nafas bekasham Let Me Breathe. Feelings, the understanding of conviction and religion, all this is war. Men breathe for war, work for it, think for it, pray for it and To the extent that the name of this region refers to the idea of the Hazara ethnic group, it should be noted at the outset that ethnicity refers less to objective groups of belonging, with an origin and a clearly defined territory, than to categories by which actors define themselves or are defined.
It endorsed our major groups that cannot be defined according to objective and unambiguous criteria: Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras and Uzbeks. By definition, these categories are historically situated. They are contextual, relational and relative: you are a Hazara in relation to the Pashtuns, the Tajiks, and the Sayyids, at a given historical moment that refers to a more or less distant and more or less traumatic past as well as to completely contemporary issues interpreted using the yardstick of this memory. Following Richard Tapper , and in agreement with Olivier Roy and Alessandro Monsutti and , we therefore disclaim any primordialist definition of ethnicity.
Today, this definition stems in particular from the relation to the state, via war and also via political parties. The Hizb-i Wahdat , more especially, had a decisive role in the ethnicisation of the social consciousness of the Hazara, while this despised minority group saw itself forced to face the challenge of life after the Soviet departure in However, though we will be paying attention to the political economy of this form of social consciousness in a context of civil war, this should not lead us to reduce it to a purely material struggle, a contest fuelled by greed and grievances between rational actors eager to maximise their profits, in accordance with a rightly criticised paradigm Marchal and Messiant, , Nor should it lead us to forget the extreme fluidity of feelings of belonging and thus solidarity in everyday life, on both collective and individual levels.
The lines of identification are manifold and subject to negotiation. And it is not uncommon for different parties or factions to come together in the same qawm. It is significant only through its inclusion in the political dimension, whether or not this is militarised. It is also mixed with the linguistic dimension that in many ways relativises it and opens new fields of conflict, especially between Dari speakers and Pashtun speakers.
Today, it covers ten or so territorial entities that are home to the Hazaras Arez, The title Sayyid refers to a lineage indicating desce. In , it was estimated that the population of the sub-prefecture of Bamyan comprised 75 per cent Hazara, 15 per cent Sayyid, 10 per cent Tajiks and 0. Furthermore, out of a population of 86, inhabitants, the woluswali today numbers 8, people who settled there between and , having returned from exile or from other parts of the country; this is a little less than 10 per cent of the total population.
The Hazaras who survived and remained in the Hazarajat—many of them took refuge in the Iranian city of Mashhad, in the city of Quetta in the British Raj, and in Russia—were enslaved and stripped of their land, including pastures. They have therefore been forced, until today, to farm in a mountainous country with long winters where arable land is sorely lacking. They abolished slavery, withdrew some of the measures discriminating against Hazaras, and restored to them some of their rights by granting titles to their leaders amir , though this exacerbated the rivalries between these leaders and involved additional exploitation of the peasantry Ghobar, , Over these decades during which the Hazaras were excessively exploited, they developed shops and transport companies, which guaranteed their economic stranglehold on the region, especially as usurers.
In , under the influence of Tehran, armed groups claiming to be acting more or less for the Islamic Republic of Iran—the Sazman i-Nasr group, close to Ayatollah Montazeri, and the Sapah-i Pasdaran group, close to the Revolutionary Guards—united as a Council for the Alliance Shura-i ittifaq , based in the district of Yakawlang, and this eventually gave birth to a political party. The Hizb-i Wahdat was created in Bamyan in and its presidency was entrusted to the charismatic Abdul Ali Mazari Dorronsoro, , ff.
Most Tajiks and almost all Pashtuns then left the area, leaving the Hazaras to take possession of the city. They took control of the new bazaar of Bamyan, though the Tajiks remained commercially active there through land and property leased to the Hazaras and the excellence of their connections with Kabul, Mazar-i Sharif and Baghlan. They also speculated on land by selling, as plots of sharak residential area , properties belonging to Pashtuns from the village of Dasht-i Issa Khan on whose territory the airport was built.
But during the battle that devastated the capital in , it failed to prevent the massacre of Afshar, perpetrated in the western districts. During this episode, hundreds of Hazaras were killed, officially by the Tajik and Pashtun troops of Commander Ahmed Shah Massoud and President Burhanuddin Rabbani but the complicity or betrayal of Hazara elements could not be excluded.
The two sides confronted one another until , when the Taliban conquered the Hazarajat after subjecting it to a harsh economic blockade. They quickly entrusted the administration of the region to the supporters of Mohammed Akbari. Almost all of the population, some 13, families, fled, and Tajik traders took over the bazaar. Building on the victory of the Taliban, the Kuchis returned to the region to try to recover their property and land rights.
Regional Dimensions to Security: Other Sides of Afghanistan by Aglaya Snetkov
The Taliban left the area following the US intervention, giving the Hazaras the opportunity to gain access to the Kabul government through Abdul Karim Khalili, who had become the second vice-president alongside Hamid Karzai in They also challenged the interests including property interests of the Kuchis and Tajiks who had taken advantage of the Taliban regime while not being marginalised by the coalition that emerged from the Bonn agreement, signed in This new context, though more favourable to their interests, did not allow the Hazaras to unite politically.
We can at present identify four trends within the Hizb-i Wahdat: that of Abdul Karim Khalili and his Hizb-i wahdat-i islami; that of Mohammad Akbari and his Hizb-i wahdat-i islami-i Afghanistan; that of Mohammad Mohaghegh and his Hizb-i wahdat-i islami-i mardom-i Afghanistan; and that of Erfani Yakawalangi and his Hizb-i wahdat-i islami-i mellat-i Afghanistan. In , the tumultuous appointment of Tahar Zohair to the post of prefect by President Ashraf Ghani, with the support of Abdul Karim Khalili, showed that the antagonisms were still intense.
Four Hazara MPs, including Mohammad Akbari, opposed the appointment by organising a sit-in outside the prefecture lasting sixteen days 7 to 22 June. On 19 June, young academics organised a counterdemonstration. The arrival of Tahar Zohair on 1 July did not calm matters as the protesters locked the premises of the prefecture while the supporters of the new prefect marched by holding bouquets of flowers.
Since the late nineteenth century, the Hazaras had indeed been considered Mongols by Tajik, Pashtun and Sayyid elites, and some of their physical characteristics, such as their flat noses, had been the subject of daily jokes. Third, a musical renaissance, promoted by Radio Hazarahgi in Quetta from onwards. And lastly, the fact that in the US military intervention paradoxically allowed the celebration of Nowruz and the public commemoration publicised in the media of Ashura to be resumed in Afghanistan—these rituals had been perpetuated by Hazaras living in Quetta or in Iran Monsutti, Beyond their different backgrounds and inequalities in terms of education, wealth, and gender, they have been divided politically since the coup.
As we have said, some joined the Sazman-i Nasr of Mohammad Abdul Ali Mazari while others supported the Hizb-i harakat of Ayatollah Mohseni Mohaghegh, , thus leading to the break-up of the Hizb-e Wahdat a few years after its establishment. In some ways, the war gave the Hazaras an opportunity to emancipate themselves socially from the domination of the Sayyids, as well as from the Pashtuns and the Tajiks.
This process followed a pattern partly comparable to that observed in Lebanon, in that Abdolali Mazari, its ideologue, was close to Chamran, the Hizbollah leader, and absorbed this experience alongside other Iranian or Palestinian anti-imperialist fighters. Inspired by the experts of the International Security Assistance Force ISAF , the constitution also drew on a primordialist vision of ethnicity and sectarianism to explicitly recognise the rights of ethnic groups, who found themselves reified as a result.
Given their historical subordination, the Hazaras, now for the first time the objects of affirmative action rather than of discrimination, were the major beneficiaries of this policy of allocating public resources on an ethno-sectarian basis, while continuing to experience this policy in a sorrowful way.