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To be awarded EU Structural Funds, for example, the Assembly reconfigured the boundaries of its internal socioeconomic sub-regions to meet with EU funding criteria. The National Assembly also operates at the regional level of European policymaking through its offices in Brussels as well as its participation in several regional level organizations in Europe. Both Structural Funds and regional networking are discussed in Chapter 4. The Assembly's administrative functions, in short, are synchronized with those of Europe and the UK, which are a source of political opportunity and constraint.

By not focusing on what the state does, but what the institutions beneath its sovereignty do to construct legitimacy in this environment, the National Assembly offers an important opportunity to think beyond what state institutions do internationally as homogenous responses to globalization. From Practice to Discourse in Anthropological Research of the Political Anthropologists are concerned with differences and paradoxes, wary of generalization.

Political scientists focus upon national integration per se; anthropologists on all that precedes and flows in the wake of integration-upon the field, the whole context in which political development occurs, upon the interplay of political with other factors which, in reaction to action, themselves become political. Attention centres upon the social becoming political or politicized rather than upon the analytically distinguished 'political'.

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Vincent Questions about the importance of action and process in the reproduction of political power entered the main of political anthropology through Manchester University after the Second World War. Under the direction of Max Gluckman, action theory became a central preoccupation of a cohort of students led by Victor Turner who were interested in producing ethnographic descriptions of culture change in response to the perceived shortcomings of structural-functionalism closely associated with EvansPritchard cf.

This approach emphasized "dynamic and diachronic studies of societies in change" over the stasis of functionalism, and opened a new space for understanding the role of individual negotiations of political systems in reproducing and redirecting culture Swartz, Turner, and Tuden The important collection of essays, Political Anthropology, edited by Swartz, Turner, and Tuden made explicit the value of applying anthropological methods and concepts-at that point generally relegated to a disciplinary concern over "primitive" societies-to questions of political processes of stability and change, including the significance of group dynamics and leadership to these processes in "modem" societies.

The authors emphasize that an anthropological approach to political legitimacy necessarily questions the "values held by individuals formulating, influencing, and being affected by political ends," which at its root, "involves a set of expectations in the minds of those who accept the legitimacy" on the condition of reciprocal obligation, i. Thus, action was elevated to a status at least equal to that of structure in anthropological accounts of politics and Weber's centrality in this formulation was made apparent.

Anticipating to an extent my treatment of legitimacy as a shifting set of conditions for institutional reproduction dependent upon context, they write that Legitimacy and all other types of support [i. For Weber, power is "the probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests Likewise, Swartz, Turner and Tuden define power in what they term its "broadest sense," that is, "in the sense of control among the individuals of the group in question" towards a view of politics as "processes involved in determining and implementing public goals and in the differential achievement and use of power by the members of the group concerned with those goals" ; emphasis in original.

Like Weber's, this definition privileges individuals and groups and their interactions in defining power as agent-centered and goal-oriented. While an advance on functionalist approaches to the role of agents in reproducing and challenging political legitimacy and authority, there are also limitations to this "broad" conception of power. What is lacking is a reflection on the arbitrariness of the state as symptomatic of power's most potent effects as producer and guardian of knowledge, i. Into the s, a revitalized Marxism, an emergent feminist anthropology, and the development of postcolonial studies moved anthropology into this new dialogue about the broader implications of power and meaning Vincent Roughly in parallel, anthropologists concerned with politics in industrialized societies also began asking questions about Western bureaucratic and political systems, ideologies and the state cf.

Balandier Ch. Realizing to a degree the research anticipated in Political Anthropology, moreover, anthropologists entered into the study of formal organizations with a cross-cultural awareness that the structure of organization varies widely even in Western European nations, thus prompting research about how policy is actually implemented with regard to formal and informal social processes cf.

Britan and Cohen ; Douglas ; Herzfeld These and other changes in research focus were accompanied by a shift in thinking about how culture is constituted, which in turn encouraged new thinking about the relations between power, agency, and institutions. Ortner, for example, takes culture to mean not some abstractly ordered system, deriving its logic from hidden structural principles, or from special symbols that provide the "keys" to its coherence. Its logic-the principles of relations that obtain from its elements-derives rather from the logic or organization of action, from people operating from within certain institutional orders, interpreting their situations in order to act coherently within them Ortner Ortner locates this attenuated theoretical turn toward practice in anthropology with Pierre Bourdieu's "effort to delineate forces of both stability and change at work within a given system" ; see Bourdieu A practice theory approach seeks to explain..

Given the centrality of domination in the model, however, the most significant forms of practice are those with intentional or unintentional political implications Ortner "Policymaking," therefore, refers to the cultural contexts in which the legislative processes and official practices of institutions are embedded, i. These studies reveal the importance of understanding the roles human agents play in reproducing or rearranging the ideological outlook and systemic functions of broad political orders.

As Donnan and MacFarlane argue, anthropological studies of public policy redress the tendencies to reduce culture to 8 For the quantitatively oriented field of public policy analysis, see Dunn ; Kraft and Furlong ; Gosling ; and Peters In this view culture is therefore not a residual category when everything else is sifted out, something left behind when more obviously 'economic', 'ecological' and 'political' factors have been dealt with, but a key element which inflects the entire social field.

Policy is ultimately the vehicle by which statesanctioned practices of citizenship and state interventions are produced; thus, it is through the rationalized communicative exchanges of individuals invested with the power to speak on behalf of the nation that the boundaries of sovereignty and limits authoritative intervention are negotiated and legitimated.

To unlock the specificities of power demanded of Trouillot's state process approach or Kelly and Kaplan's dialogic emphasis, one must study the form and content of discourses of Welsh nationhood as interactive phenomenon occurring in institutionalized historical space. My work builds upon this perspective by applying a discourse analysis approach to the question of producing legitimacy in the National Assembly for Wales.

Discourses, first of all, can be conceived as series of linguistic utterances shaped by yet beyond the phonological and morphological thresholds of linguistic meaning Hill and Mannheim Discourse analysis, however, also represents a more politicized recognition of how meaning is constituted in specific cultural and historical contexts of action.

Verschueren writes, for example, that All discourse or communication..

Ethnographies of parliament: culture and uncertainty in shallow democracies

The big issue for any critical approach to language use is the fact that in this world of communication almost nothing is ever exactly what it looks like. The reason is simple: communication is basically about 'meaning', and meaning is an intangible phenomenon. By definition, every piece of communication contains meaning that is not directly 'visible' or literally 'said'. This view is also confirmed in Foucault's methodological definition of "discourse analysis," which he describes as a task which consists of not - of no longer - treating discourses as groups of signs signifying elements referring to contents or representations but as practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak.

Of course, discourses are composed of signs; but what they do is more than use these signs to designate things. It is this more that renders them irreducible to the language langue and to speech. It is this 'more' that we must reveal and describe. Language, in other words, does not function as neutral arbiter of meaning, but more fundamentally constitutes the basis of reproducing power as a consequence of shaping the contours of knowledge Foucault , For anthropologists, and sociolinguists in particular, the broadened conception of discourse has proven useful to analyzing the distribution of power, status and inequality within and across societies cf.

Specifically useful is its duality as a sensible, observable phenomenon and a form cultural abstraction indexing the historical dynamics shaping the communicative presuppositions of the discursive event Hill and Mannheim Undoubtedly, this is of value to the analysis of democratic legitimacy in the National Assembly: only one discourse of Welsh nationhood can be elevated to the status of steering the Assembly towards a particular national future, i. There arises the immediate question of understanding how certain discourses, through political practices, transcend the level of debate and proposal to become the normative center of national policy and implicitly or explicitly relegate all other national possibilities as the constituting antithesis of its legitimacy.

Commenting on the construction of Hungarian identity in the context of Europe, for instance, Gal suggests, "for educated Hungarians, as for most inhabitants of the continent, "Europe" is less a geographical regional or unique civilization than a symbolic counter of identity" Gal The official recognition of a language by the state has the effect of elevating the symbolic status of power and prestige of the linguistic group in question Gal That the conditions of discursive legitimation are subject to change is reflected in the research of Heller , who observes how the meaning of Quebecker nationhood has changed in response to historical French-Canadian conceptions of community, to the development of Quebecois nationalism in the s, and the commodification of ethno-linguistic culture under globalization.

As with Wales, she finds in Quebec that nationalist debates about citizenship have become divorced from claims of ethnic nationhood within "globalizing discourses" that emphasize civic inclusion within a democratic framework of plural nationhood Heller Official political discourses can also be analyzed according to the communicative structures that differentiate them from other forms of communication. Irvine's research with the Wolof of Senegal indicates, for example, how speech events are culturally recognized as particular or special according to structural codes marking degrees of formality and informality in speech.

I argue in Ch. Discourse as I use it here suggests much more than communication as the object of study, but also the context of the communicative event cf. Duranti and Goodwin Significant to this discussion is that the context of communication greatly affects the content of discourse. Thus, organizational practices both formal and informal , the spatial arrangement of the institutional environment, the institution's physical and virtual connections to other legislative and social networks, and the actual dynamics of communicative exchange are taken to be important elements of analysis for understanding how legitimacy is reproduced and contested in the National Assembly.

While not claiming to represent the dialogic heterogeneity of this process as a totality, this dissertation engages the question of constructing legitimacy from several perspectives to address how its multi-faceted character bears upon the reconfiguration of the state process in the era of globalization. Structure of the Dissertation This dissertation examines several aspects of the National Assembly's policy process as construed by multiple human and institutional relations operating in local, state, and international contexts.

Chapter 2 is a political and social history of Wales beginning with the Industrial Revolution. It accounts for how the organizing logics and political goals of the Assembly are linked to the historical rationalization of political participation within the contexts of social and economic change in Wales. Rather situating this history as determining the contemporary contours of devolution to Wales, it examines how historical events that engendered the splintering of Welsh society have come to be retrospectively utilized as nation and polity building resources in the present.

Chapter 3 provides a theoretical elaboration of the problematic status of communicative rationalization as a corrective against power relations undermining the legitimacy of democratic institutions. As stated above, this issue is traced through the works of Weber, Habermas, and Foucault. The chapter concludes by bringing the discussion back into an anthropological context by identifying the co-constitutive forces of legitimation, epistemologies of legislative practice and ideologies of nationhood.

In conclusion, I argue that legitimacy can only be approached with a certain ironic distance, i. To speak of legitimacy and empowerment as constitutive of democratic rationalization is not to deny the power relations that frame these as possibilities of political action, but to recognize that even if legitimation is contingent, we cannot assume that a real democratic alternative awaits discovery outside these power relations.

Chapter 4 begins to apply the insights of the previous two chapters by examining the specific institutional arrangements, or nation form, of Welsh democracy. Chapter 5 turns to the ideological process that effect the ways in which the epistemological parameters of Welsh nationhood are harnessed to the interests of political parties in the Assembly. Based on party documents and evidence from political speech, an examination of ideologies of governance, sovereignty, and community illustrate how these discourses implicitly and explicitly shape the possibilities of legitimate political action in the Assembly.

Having laid out these important contexts, Chapter 6 turns to an analysis of the National Assembly's Open Government Policy to observe the effects of the codification of legitimation in Assembly practices. This is related to the importance of transparency in legitimating wider political and economic orders; it is theorized that the mass appeal of transparency reflects its flexibility as a means of rationalizing institutional power: transparency is the inverted form of its opposite, which means it is given meaning through the specific historical relations named as its absence and can thereby be used as an internal corrective to crises that spill over into public view.

By comparing the rationalization of Open Government with its practice, a distinction is drawn between legitimation and empowerment as consequences of democratic processes. Chapter 7 observes the spatial and technological arrangements of the National Assembly to again draw attention to the co-constitutive relation between epistemological and ideological discourses of legitimacy as well as draw out its relation to sovereignty. Simultaneously, I argue, the Assembly's spatial arrangement references the rationalization of Welsh difference within UK and European space and also the ideological dissemination of a particular Welsh experience that metaphorically culminates in the modernized, pluralized space of Welsh democracy.

In this way, the Assembly building, particularly its public access areas, can be read as simulacra of the Habermasian public sphere. Chapters 8 and 9 focus on the actual deliberative practices of Assembly Members in the institution's policy process.


Chapter 8 returns to the question of epistemological form. The first half addresses this issue by examining the history of the Welsh language in relation to its status within official institutions, and then sets this in the context of Welsh language usage within the policy process. Relying on the work of Susan Gal on oppositional language forms operating in bi-lingual states, this section traces the changing status of Welsh as an oppositional form as it moved from a purely subordinate form relative to the UK state to an equivalent language to English in the Assembly.

The second half of this chapter describes the differentiated means by which the Assembly Government and political parties in opposition prepare for plenary debates in order to raise questions, again, about the distinction between democratic legitimation and democratic empowerment. Chapter 9 provides a close reading of a policy debate of the National Assembly. Working from Derrida's ideas about presence in speech, as well as Judith Butler's theorization of performativity, this chapter observes how political actors representing opposing ideological viewpoints vie for the legitimacy to speak authoritatively by challenging the truth claims of other speakers.

Given this zerosum game of deliberation, the foundations of Habermas' theory of communicative action are subjected to criticism. The interplay of historical and statistical discourses of legitimate speech are examined as vital to negotiations over the meaning of Welsh nationhood and the Assembly's subsequent legitimacy to intervene in society. At stake in this policy, I argue, are multiple and sometimes contradictory processes of legitimation that speak to the open-ended relations between the Assembly and Welsh society, UK government, EU, and global trade regimes. Chapter 11 draws the dissertation to a close by reflecting on the implications of the Assembly case for other studies of the global state process.

In a sense summing up the content of previous discussion, a controversial debate about expanding the powers of the National Assembly is briefly examined to illustrate how our understandings of relations between subordinate and dominant political institutions must be recontextualized to account for the heterogeneity and ambivalences produced in processes labeled democratic empowerment.

The chapter concludes with a discussion of how this research can and should be expanded to incorporate the interactions of Welsh society and the Assembly into the analysis of legitimation processes. With possibilities, I emphasize that the following history does not suggest any one event or constellation of structural factors caused devolution to Wales; rather, it is an assessment of how the construction of Welsh nationhood is problematic in light of this history. A complete history of Wales during this period is beyond the scope of this dissertation;' however, I have summarized the development of coalfield industrialism and the rise of party politics in Wales to suggest how history is as much an obstacle to the Assembly's rationalization of a Welsh national experience in the present as it is the ideological wellspring of nationhood's potentiality as the organizing locus of the national public it names.

In essence, I attempt to point out how the political, economic, and The most celebrated historical accounts of this period can be found in John Davies' A History of Wales, a general account of Welsh history, and in K. Morgan's Rebirth of a Nation. See also Jones []. These and other sources are cited throughout this chapter. Ethnicity and Conflict: Preindustrial Roots of a Welsh Cultural Form Unquestionably, there are historical events that have contributed, if retrospectively, to the national development of Wales.

The Welsh language became linguistically distinct in the sixth century when present-day Wales was cut off from the rest of the Bythonicspeaking British Isles, also leading to the development of other Celtic languages such as Cornish and Scots Gaelic. In the ninth century, King Offa of Mercia constructed a dyke roughly along the entirety of the present Welsh-English border to reduce problems of insurrection from the West.

In the tenth century, Hwyel Dda managed to unite the majority of present-day Wales and codified for the first time a corpus of Welsh law Davies b Welsh resistance to foreign domination, which proved only periodically successful, characterized the first half of the second millennium. Gruffudd ap Llewelyn became the only Welsh king to rule all of Wales in when he fought off his Welsh rivals but was killed by an English one in Marcher Lords controlled the Welsh-English border after the Norman invasion of , yet their territorial control was incomplete.

Edward invested his son as the first Prince of Wales in as a challenge to 2 Said Gwyn Williams a of this process: "in the sharp legal discrimination which immediately came into operation throughout Wales, [the Welsh] were classed as meri Wallici mere Welshmen ; across the apartheid line were the Anglici, who were privileged, who were not to be condemned in law by the oaths of Welshmen alone, who were to be tried only by English law and never in the Welsh language, who were authorized to exclude every Welsh person from their towns as forinseci foreigners. To the legitimacy of royal Welsh bloodlines.

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The last significant challenge to English hegemony came in with Owain Glyndvr's uprising. Declaring himself Prince of Wales based on genealogy, Glyndr managed to unite most of Wales and successfully invaded the English border before being pushed back into the Welsh mountains where he later died. For a short while, he held court in a Welsh parliament "sennedd" in Machynlleth and went so far as to write Paris and Rome for military support against the English. Despite the near constancy of invasion and resistance during this period, Welsh cultural forms also developed.

For instance, the ninth century was considered the "finest era of Welsh literature"; a poetic tradition of competition among traveling bards also flourished during this era Davies Welsh law was replaced by English law, and the Welsh language was banned from official use, a decree that would have a lasting impact on the development of a Welsh political culture. The Marcher Lordships were replaced by a system of shires under the greater control of London. With the Acts of Union, the Welsh were gradually transformed from relations of political and cultural difference from the English to ones of cultural difference within the English system of rule.

The Anglicization of the Welsh elite meant that the responsibility of preserving the language and cultural traditions of Wales shifted to the countryside and commoners Davies a. Ironically, a Welsh translation of the New Testament build the new boroughs in Gwynedd, 5, acres of the best agricultural lands were confiscated and their numerous inhabitants, mostly serfs, turfed out.

The memories of these evictions rooted themselves in folklore. The language was further bolstered by the development of religious Nonconformity from the Church of England during the mid-seventeenth century, which again would have lasting impact on the culture and politics of Wales. Moreover, pre-industrial Wales was a rural area without any urban centers to rival those in England.

On the whole, Wales was characterized by a relatively egalitarian social system of small communities inexorably tied to the land as a source of identity and sustenance. Industrialization and National Consciousness The transition to capitalism in Wales was somewhat slower than that of England in part due to differences in land ownership rights rooted in different cultural traditions cf.

Beckett , 98 , yet widespread rural poverty in the mid-nineteenth century encouraged the mass movement of people out of rural Welsh communities and into emerging industrial production centers. Unlike the outward population movements characterizing other national histories of the period, e. The material shape of Welsh lives was what formed their idea of themselves, their possibilities, their horizon of limitations. The sea that hems in three sides of Wales gave food and opened up routes for trade and for invaders Crop failure and livestock deaths were constant factors for centuries in the stone-strewn fields and bare uplands.

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A tiny population scraped a bare, subsistence living. The anthracite coal seams of the south Wales valleys were recognized as a rich source of high quality fuel for the engines and ships of industry and empire; Wales was then reconfigured in the image of industrial capital.

In one estimation, Soon the coal industry was to develop under its own momentum, and this became even more true as railways developed. Coal was required to fuel them and trains provided the means of transporting coal Where, up to mid nineteenth century, the iron and coal industries together had transformed the coalfields of Wales, the rest of the century was dominated by coal as it fuelled Britain's steamships as well as supplying many of its industries and hearths.

The soil which was such a barrier to prosperous agriculture concealed beneath it vast mineral wealth, enabling Wales to become, for decades, one of the most important industrial centres in the world. Jones []: The iron and coal industries, as well as a subsequent steel industry in Wales, required a large labor pool and extensive transportation infrastructure to fully develop. The infrastructural reorganization of Wales was driven by outside capital but was also greatly facilitated by native families-powerful interests such as William Crawshay and the Marques of Bute-who grew wealthy or wealthier with industrialization.

Before railways, poor road networks largely prevented ground transport in and out of Wales. A system of horse-drawn tram roads and barge canals was devised to utilize the topography of Wales to advantage in the nineteenth century; by there existed over miles of canal connected to an additional 75 miles of navigable river Jones [ ] The development of a mechanized railway system in the mid-nineteenth century 4 Morgan reports, for instance, that , people migrated out of rural Wales between with the bulk of them representing the , persons who migrated inward to the industrial valleys of south Wales during the same period.

Like the development of the canals before it, railway transportation was geared toward facilitating resource extraction more than population mobility or physically connecting the nation. Railways generally ran in two directions: out of the valleys and into south Wales ports, or out of Wales and into southeast England. North and south Wales remained disconnected, a major impediment to any Welsh nationalist political movement Jones [ ] Coal exports climbed ever higher as the logistical problems of transport were addressed over course of the century: the port of Cardiff alone, for example, exported 43, tons in ; ten years later, coal exports eclipsed , tons and reached over 7.

The population of south Wales swelled with coal exports. In heart of the coalfields, for instance, the Rhondda Valley population rose from in to 55, in to , in Overall, the population of Wales grew from 1,, in to 2,, in , a per cent increase Davies b, In addition to rural migration within Wales, large numbers also migrated from England and from Scotland and Ireland to a lesser degree.

A handful of these migrants would form a managerial cadre charged with overseeing and economizing production in the coalfields. A smaller number of migrants still measuring in the thousands arrived from the continent, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. One of the oldest multiethnic communities in the UK formed around the Cardiff docklands during the latter half of the nineteenth century Evans By , one-third of all persons living in Wales were born elsewhere.

The effect upon the Welsh language was obvious: by the turn of the twentieth century, less than half of Wales spoke Welsh Davies Living conditions in the newly industrialized areas of the valleys and coastal shipping towns were generally arduous. Rapid urbanization resulted in overcrowding and, at times, misplaced race riots Balfour ; Williams []; Allen Poor planning led to tuberculosis, cholera, typhoid and other health crises. During a cholera epidemic of , 1, died in Merthyr alone Davies b Children were not shielded from participation in the workforce; an official report on children's employment in British mines indicated that young boys were employed in the South Wales coalfields more than any other area of the isles Davies b Wages, workdays, and industrial safety conditions were largely unregulated.

Sliding scale wages from were pegged to the rise and fall of coal prices on international markets; work shifts in the early nineteenth century ran seven days per week and for very long hours during the day; from to , 48 per cent of all mine deaths claiming 1, lives occurred in Wales despite that fact that Wales accounted for only 18 per cent of the total underground workforce of Britain Davies b, The vote was denied to the majority of men and women; the Whigs followed by the Conservative Party were returned to parliament upon election to represent the interests of the aristocracy and later capital.

The latter half of the nineteenth century was generally characterized by Conservative rule, though the Liberal Party described below effectively challenged that trend by the turn of the twentieth century. The Conservative Party emerged in the s when questions of Church and State were giving way to issues of society and economy in UK political debate Gash et al.

With problems of social disruption and poverty in Britain taking a place alongside insurrection in Ireland and religious challenges to the Anglican order taking place throughout the UK, the Conservative Party developed itself as a standard-bearer of the Union, the Church of England, middle class consciousness, rurality and the 'vanishing' social morality it was perceived to represent. The Conservatives nevertheless maintained parliamentary majorities in Wales until the election of Blake Yet in fact and in principle, the Conservatives were a party of English nationalism Gash et al.

The Conservatives, for example, were committed to preserving the Anglican Church in Wales; likewise, the party encouraged the placement of Anglican leaders to head Welsh school boards created under Peel, the first Conservative Prime Minister Davies b. Industrialization encouraged the dissipation of pre-existing forms of Welsh community and social organization, but it also produced new, overwhelmingly one-class communities invested in the traditional ideals and practices of communal living to mitigate against the worst effects of industrialism.

Outside the coalfields, and in reaction to their development, an initial form of Welsh nationalism developed with the creation of Cymru Fydd Wales of the Future in the late nineteenth century. The group dedicated itself to home rule for Wales and the preservation of a self-defined traditional language and culture, but several factors contributed it's short-lived success. Foremost, it amounted to a movement driven by intellectuals and the middle classes who were out of rhythm with the social and economic concerns of an increasingly anglicized working class in south Wales.

Political nationalism, moreover, was restricted as a socially palpable goal at a time when there was a politically more powerful interest in manufacturing British citizens of a unified state and empire Cinnirella Core symbols and institutions of Welsh culture were elaborated in the swell of Romantic reaction to industrial society. The 'eisteddfod', an ancient but centuries gone tradition of poetic competition, was revitalized and formalized in and in reaction to the decline of the Welsh language in the coalfields Davies b Welsh song and poetic recitations were put before panels of cultural "experts" in deeply ritualistic competitions invoking an unsubstantiated Druidic past.

The red dragon, for example, is now unconsciously accepted as a national image but was no more than a local administrative symbol in the middle ages Morgan While the symbols of Welsh nationhood developed at this time, questions of nationalism were secondary to the problems of economic change occurring in Wales at the turn of the twentieth century. The Welsh coal industry reach its peak in when Wales accounted for nearly one-third of the total world coal exports Jones [] Mining and other forms of heavy industry thereafter began a slow decline as world war and economic 5 Eisteffodau are today organized at local, regional, national and international levels and represent to largest folk festivals of their kind in Europe.

Symbolically, they are the primary arenas for the performance of linguistic identity cf. Trosset The First World War was the period of the United Kingdom's first industry nationalization project: the impacts of its repeal on employment after the war would greatly affect Wales. Between and , mines closed; overall unemployment was as high as Mass migration out of the coal valleys ensued, resulting in a net loss of , in South Wales Jones [].

Political responses to industrialization, culture change, economic stagnation, and the formation of nationalist sentiment in Wales can be traced through the development and maturation of three political parties in Wales: the Liberal Party, the Labour Party, and Plaid Cymru-The Party of Wales.

This study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights in the Russian Federation uses frame analysis of civil society input into the UN Universal Periodic Review. Civil Society April Civil Society November Using mixed-methods analysis to explore issue representation in parliamentary proceedings. Education June Using mixed methods this paper explores issue salience and the policy framing associated with the substantive representation of ethnic minorities.

Its focus is party programmes in Westminster — and Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish elections — June Over the next quarter century it is likely that Southeast Asian countries will experience high levels of growth in the number of disabled people. Specifically, how minority nationalist parties MNPs use discourse to exert pressure for welfare change Books and Book Chapters. Civil Society August This chapter is part of a collection of essays that put contemporary Wales under the microscope.

Examining issues such as class, gender, culture and the Welsh language, Our Changing Land presents a complex and often contradictory picture of a nation. The book also continues Civil Society May Institutional ableism, critical actors and the substantive representation of disabled people: Evidence from the UK Parliament March The present analysis heeds recent calls for a refocusing and reconceptualising of the substantive representation of women SRW. It examines the parliamentary scrutiny of Westminster governments' legislative programmes.

The findings show that whilst the proportion of SRW This study explores the formative origins of youth justice policy and the discursive process of mandate-seeking in party manifestos in Westminster elections. Analysis of issue salience and policy framing reveals: party politicization, a significant increase in issue salience This paper addresses a lacuna in the literature on environmental policy integration by exploring civil society organizations' CSOs experiences of participative environmental mainstreaming — a policy imperative to embed environmental concerns in all aspects of policy-making Hitherto, this has largely escaped This article responds to the resultant It is argued that the latter represents a generational opportunity to apply a Using critical discourse analysis, this twelve-country study addresses a key lacuna by examining civil society perspectives on the implementation of the Participative Democratic Model PDM of gender mainstreaming in post-conflict states.

The findings reveal specific data, This study analyses the position of Roma people in the former Yugoslavia using state and civil society discourse on human rights implementation. It reveals that states are failing to give sufficient prioritisation to tackling longstanding discrimination and oppression A quarter of a century ago a UK-wide study concluded that 'non-white access to the political agenda in Britain remains minimal and problematic'. Contemporary analysis suggests that for some this is still the case. It states there remains 'worrying evidence that Civil Society January Public Culture, 14 1 , — Canovan, M.

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What is NATION-BUILDING? What does NATION-BUILDING mean? NATION-BUILDING meaning & explanation

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Correspondence to Will Kymlicka. Reprints and Permissions. Search all SpringerOpen articles Search. Abstract In the postwar period, projects of social justice have often drawn upon ideas of national solidarity, calling upon shared national identities to mobilize support for the welfare state.


Nationhood Why might nationhood be progressive? Footnote 7 This claim that the welfare state depends on national solidarity is controversial. Footnote 8 Note again how the welfare state here is tied to an image of social membership, not universal humanitarianism. Footnote 9 It remains true that the shape and size of the welfare state depends in part on the balance of class forces.